Generations of Chinese leaders have said China aims to have the minimum capability required to launch an effective nuclear counterattack. From the long-term perspective, global disarmament has always been China’s goal, and the country should lead the way to keep other major powers faithful to that goal.

What will be President-elect Donald Trump’s policy on the use of offensive cyber weapons? First, he will likely adopt a more aggressive cyber position, with the subsequent risk of an accelerated cyber arms race. Second, he may loosen cyber alliances and abandon the quest for norms of state behavior in cyberspace. Both prospects could potentially make cyberspace more dangerous for the United States.

China’s Cybersecurity Law has elicited rather negative responses from foreign businesses, governments and NGOs. Perhaps ironically, the U.S. thus seems to have fallen victim to what Beijing has long feared would happen to them: ideological infiltration by a geostrategic adversary aimed at upsetting the political system.

Western overconfidence cost President Obama and US allies the chance to shape the resolution of the Syrian crisis. Turkey’s realignment with Russia and Iran on the issue is a game-changer, for no neighboring countries of Syria can replace the role of Turkey for the Western alliance.

The contrast between a collapsing neo-liberalism of the west and the much-welcomed new development model espoused and practiced by China is not to be missed.

For China, Trump’s sleight of hand through pushing for a new round of nuclear arms race is nothing but a distraction. What China needs most now is to mend its own business well per its own plan.

Given the apparently low intelligence value of the recently seized U.S. UUV, China may have intended the seizure primarily as a provocation or warning. Though the vessels involved held a low-risk of escalation, the legal precedent is more significant: last Thursday’s incident occurred approximately 50 nautical miles northwest of Subic Bay, nowhere near sensitive Chinese military facilities, and in waters that China has not claimed any jurisdiction over.

If the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) accepted Turkey as a member state, that could serve to improve the NATO-Russian relationship, further promote SCO economic integration, and add strength in counteracting terrorism, separatism and extremism, the primary goals of SCO. Russian suspicions of Turkey, however, pose one of several challenges to the idea.

Recent developments are highlighting how competition over shared water resources is a major contributory factor to the growing geopolitical discord in Asia. China’s “territorial grab” in the South China Sea has been accompanied by a quieter “freshwater grab” in transnational river basins. Reengineering trans-boundary water flows is integral to China’s strategy to employ power, control, influence, and fashion a strongly Sino-centric Asia. The upsurge of resource and territorial disputes has underscored the looming dangers. Various developments indeed are highlighting the linkage between water and peace.

War displaces people and breeds refugee crises. For the Middle East, which has long been plagued by continuing violence and conflicts, it is urgent to end the wars and safeguard the peace. China-US cooperation can play an important role to facilitate post-war reconstruction and create a survivable environment for local residents, so that violence and conflict will not occur again.