China-US military relations have reached another crossroads with Donald Trump as the new US president. Whether the two sides tend to have more competition and friction or more dialogue and cooperation will shape the two countries’ overall relationship in a major way.

China and the US have different positions on the Syria situation, but they share many common interests too, including restoring peace and stability in the region, cracking down on extremists and rebuilding regional order and the balance of power in the Middle East. The countries differ over how to achieve these goals.

Either scenario is possible, depending on what investigators discover about who was really responsible for the gas attack. Whatever the outcome, big-power cooperation against terrorism has been weakened, and IS terrorists likely were the only ones who were actually cheering amid the explosions of Tomahawk cruise missiles.

The question for Western diplomats dealing in global Internet governance must be how to effectively engage China so as to maintain peace, security and stability in cyberspace – goals to which China’s cooperation strategy commits explicitly. Will cold-shouldering China empower those voices in Beijing advocating a more hawkish and isolating approach to global internet norms? Meeting China halfway on some of its desiderata, for instance a more high-profile presence at flagship Chinese events, might not only lead to a broader basis for engagement and trust, but also enable support for those voices within the Chinese system whose objectives overlap more with that of outside countries.

Could the arbitration award of 12 July 2016 have unexpectedly opened a cycle of appeasement between China and South-East Asian countries in the South China Sea? It is difficult to conclusively answer this question, since behind these changes are uncertainties and continuities likely to undermine at any moment the progress made.

Trump’s eagerness to boost the military’s role in his foreign strategy may well mean tougher positions or even adventurous moves in the South China Sea and on the DPRK nuclear issue, which will not only stimulate sensitive regional situations but also increase risks of an arms race or even confrontation with China.

An influential Washington think tank, the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments (CSBA), released a new report, Restoring American Seapower – A Ne

Some ASEAN countries efforts to woo Tokyo because of their suspicions about China’s strategic goals, thus creating an opportunity for Japan to enhance its presence in the region. But the real problem is Japan itself, and China and ASEAN countries should take anticipatory measures to protect the hard-earned détente in the region.

China and ASEAN countries should focus on implementing a dual-track approach and formulating a code of conduct for the sea, as well as establish mechanisms for maritime situations and to build mutual trust. If the US and China are truly committed to a new type of big-country relationship, they will find facilitating this approach to be in their mutual interest.

The US Secretary of State’s visit to Beijing, and his meetings with the Chinese foreign minister, ended with a pledges by both to resolutely advocate denuclearization of the Peninsula, strictly implement UN resolutions and strive for a peaceful resolution. That realistic assessment by both sides is a good omen for more collaboration between Washington and Beijing.