The media and public opinion have become the new focuses of major-power competition, as the US struggles to maintain a supreme position in the current world order.

Japan’s Abe government is appealing to the nationalistic Japan Restoration Party to revise the constitution to permit the assembly of an army. Lyle J. Goldstein’s book, Meeting China Halfway—How to Defuse the Emerging U.S.-China Rivalry has important suggestions for avoiding a Japan-China military conflict.

Despite its serious concern about information security, the US displayed more impressive diplomatic courtesy than in previous sessions, helping the two sides to build trust, reduce suspicion, and restore collaboration. That contributes to a constructive atmosphere for the upcoming summit meeting of the two countries’ leaders.

The desire for peace, mutual respect, and economic cooperation is already winning the hearts and minds of everyday people on both sides of the Pacific. Their voices may seldom make the headlines, but they are a critical foundation of this important relationship.

As permanent members of the UN Security Council, Chinese and U.S. leaders should look beyond the recent deadlocked Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and use their next U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue to make further progress in promoting nuclear disarmament, nuclear non-proliferation, and supporting the safe and secure peaceful use of nuclear energy.

This election cycle will likely bring out U.S. politicians from both sides of the aisle to blame China for U.S. economic woes. However, as China greatly increases its outbound investment, it would be a missed opportunity to not engage economically.

"Issue-specific partnership, instead of alliance" may become an outstanding feature of the three countries relations in the future, but their varying relationships challenge their ability to work together to meet global problems and coordinate global governance.

China is emerging as a much stronger player in the Central Asian region, with the support of Russian resources. Central Asian states may exploit this Sino-Russian rapprochement in order to advance their own goals, receiving security and funding from Moscow and Beijing, while not being required to change political regimes.

Just as U.S. President Bill Clinton expressed to Chinese President Jiang Zemin in 1996, both countries need to rely on the common interests of combating climate change and strengthening mutual security. This can happen with improved and people-to-people interaction.

In its eagerness to reassert its supremacy in the Asia Pacific, Washington risks losing its balance amid competing strategic goals, by forcing a position that is neither fair nor legally supportable in a region far from its shores.