President Xi’s past remarks that defined the “cultural revolution” as “ten years of havoc should have made some less aggressive in singing the praises of those years. The “cultural revolution” was a historic setback that is no cure for the troubles of today’s China. That populist fantasy would be an insane act of backpedaling.

China’s long history with its concentric cycles of buildup and decay tends to support the notion that the general political outlook is knowable, while the specifics remain indeterminate due to complexity. Nothing short of society-wide endeavor can stem the tide of negative trends and polluting influences. Change, for the better, and for the worse, sets in slowly and incrementally, often beyond immediate perception.

Official media’s belated revisiting of that dark period suggests a policy of putting the memory behind us, but ignoring history opens the door to repeating it.

Tom Watkins reviews the still contested—but often un-discussed—narratives surrounding the causes and reasons for the Cultural Revolution, which began fifty years ago. He mostly disagrees with the assertion that the current regime of Xi Jinping is similar to the conditions that brought about the fervor of revolution not seen since the time of Chairman Mao.

In order to overcome the buildup of strategic mistrust and rivalry, both governments must put aside their suspicions and be open to dialogues, workshops, seminars, and travel groups with the broadest array of participants from business, academic, NGO, scientific, media, and other expert communities that are focused on strategic issues.

Rogier Creemers argues that for global Internet continuity, the West must recognize China has legitimate interests and claims that must be respected, even if the foundational values of its political system are diametrically opposed. Conversely, China must come to terms with the fact that not all rules in the global playing field are sedulous attempts by the U.S. to expand its own power, and that it also must be bound by them in order to maintain global stability and prosperity.

In contrast to Jared McKinney’s recently reviewed “China Dream” by Liu Mingfu, Michael Pilsbury has a China Nightmare. The Dream is for China to become a powerful global leader that assumes its rightful place in the world as a respected and prestigious nation. The Nightmare is that China achieves this and then imposes its values on the world.

A string of achievements in his second term, even after a disastrous 2014 mid-term election, means the incumbent can be ranked among the nation’s high-achieving presidents, despite the fact that his efforts did little to change America’s outdated perspective on its place in world affairs.

Philip J. Cunningham examines the precarious nature of mass tourism. Both the cause, rooted in China’s steadily growing middle class and the effect, a surplus of tourists to Thailand. Cunningham measures the limited economic benefit, only grasped by those in a small circle of tourist service positions, against the edifying effect of world travel for the once working class.

Liu Mingfu’s 2010 book China Dream initially sparked a bidding war, only to be marginalized for fear that it would affect China-U.S. relations. From disrepute it became canonical after Xi Jinping delivered his 2012 “China Dream” speech. Sifting out rocks of Chinese exceptionalism, Jared McKinney explores the gems of insight found in Liu’s condemned and congratulated work.