In the West, we’ve seen the triumph of U.S. President Donald Trump and the United Kingdom’s exit from the European Union transform the old political world. But Asia’s transformation is much different and unlikely to follow the same populist pattern. Asia and the West operate and respond to these changes differently. China, for instance, it would be viewed as a threat to political order.

The Chinese government aims to resolve the south-north divide in an efficient, forceful and rapid manner with the establishment of the Xiongan New Area. This will allow Beijing, Tianjin and Hebei to shake off the longstanding fetters of bureaucratic red tape, and be integrated into an organic whole.

The Chinese government’s recent decision to issue “Foreign Permanent Residence Identity Cards” to foreign nationals working in China is a great step forward in facilitating the introduction of overseas talents. The change is not just in name, from the previous “residence permit” to the present “residence ID”.

Xi Jinping’s administration has emphasized the promotion of leaders who have worked in China’s poorest and most remote provinces, or “hardship” regions. But not all emerging heavyweights with experience in hardship regions are Xi Jinping’s protégés. In fact, some have strong personal ties to Hu Jintao (胡锦涛) and Li Keqiang (李克强).

Though the Chinese leadership has labored over the past three decades to instill rules and norms into its elite selection process, concerns have persisted over the effectiveness and durability of these nascent institutional mechanisms. What institutional limitations and political barriers stand in the way? The selection of ethnic minority leaders provides a good case study that sheds valuable light on these questions.

Asian leaders have an incentive to twist Confucius and, in all likelihood, many Western commentators don’t trouble to read his texts before taking conventional pronouncements at face value. But defining him by the hierarchical part of his teachings makes as much sense as defining Socrates by his totalitarian vision of a Republic. It is to ignore the balance that is the essence of his philosophy.

Contrary to some commentary, the American political system has not been swept away by a wave of populism, and no one should underestimate US institutions.

Chinese President Xi Jinping has responded to Donald Trump’s anti-trade rhetoric by backing “openness” and “economic liberalization.” He said protectionism was like “locking yourself in a dark room.” Although his message was welcome, many in the West observed that his government followed a very different course at home, cracking down on contact with foreign people and thoughts.

Artists in every country face funding challenges, so what is unique about China’s situation? One word: change.

At a time when male-dominance in political leadership is being challenged in many parts of the world, the PRC public is likely to take greater notice of the gender imbalance within China’s political elite. Although the PRC party-state system has successfully incorporated a broader range of backgrounds and viewpoints over time, China lags behind global trends in elevating female leaders. Unless Xi and the CCP leadership prioritize vigorous institutional reforms to address this issue now, the insufficient representation of women leaders will remain a notable deficiency of the PRC party-state system for the years to come.