In order to run the country well, the ruling party must run itself well first, and power-for-money deals have become the biggest challenge for the CPC’s anti-graft campaign. Inaction is dangerous; half-hearted action is of little help; only through sensible, responsible action can the party secure an invincible position.

Today, from American voters in an ugly U.S. election season to the rhetoric of newly elected Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte, we are hearing widespread anger against the governing structures of our time, against inequality and elitism. This sense of disempowerment is real and understandable. But is globalization really the root of this? Our challenge, as individuals in this era of discontent, is to ensure that we can still come together to move forward and improve the lives of all.

African migration to China is only half of the story: what of the black experience in China—a country whose doors have been closed for the better part of the last century, and has only recently allowed for more foreigners to take up temporary, and in rare cases permanent residence, in the most populous nation on the planet?

Curtis S. Chin and Jose B. Collazo detail the challenge of stolen art and artifacts from Asian countries, outlining the ways the U.S. and China can cooperate to prevent illicit trade and promote the return of stolen antiquities. They emphasize educating the public on the importance of protecting Asia’s culture and history, strengthening and enforcing government laws on the issue, and calling upon the region’s museums, private galleries, and art dealers to help prevent illicit trade through cooperative transnational enforcement, and new technology to track an artifact’s provenance. The importance of tracking the art trade is made particularly important as private wealth has increased. Along with growing interest in collecting have come renewed concerns over connections to “blood antiquities” and illicit trade.

Jack Ma made his fortune in online retail, while Wang Jianlin got rich in real estate. Now, both turn their gaze to Hollywood. Their battle for influence is one of those larger-than-life sized conflicts, perfect for reality TV, if not the silver screen.

In many Western democracies, this is a year of revolt against elites. The success of the Brexit campaign in Britain, Donald Trump’s unexpected capture of the Republican Party in the United States, and populist parties’ success in Germany and elsewhere strike many as heralding the end of an era.

A maturing political process has helped the party develop quasi-government capacities for governing, organizing, integrating Chinese society. However, the challenges facing society and institutions today make the upcoming session worthy of special attention.

Language is more than just a tool: it is a framework through which we assess and engage with the world. As the Chinese language skills of Americans atrophy, so too does the ability of these Americans to effectively understand developments, motivations, and situations in China.

“Democracy” hasn’t always meant free elections, and it’s never meant nivana. China must cherish its traditional political wisdom and governance framework, and gradually improve its political institutions, in order to render them more appropriate to China's modernization. History tells us that blindly copying Western democracies is a path to disaster.

Whether Trump wins the election or not, we are seeing the failure of the U.S. democracy. Even if Meanwhile, Trump forced the Americans to face the inconvenient truth of their democracy and the dark side of the American society. The discrimination against the minority groups, the disparity between the rich and the poor and the money politics will not disappear just because the mainstream chooses to ignore them.