In an article entitled The South China Sea Arbitration (The Philippines v. China): Assessment of the Award on Jurisdiction and Admissibility recently published

Washington needs new thinking must be developed to prevent home-grown extremist threats. Besides treating them as part of the international anti-terror war and further strengthening efforts against violent extremism at home, the US should demonstrate a greater sense of responsibility in eliminating their sources in the world.

Taking advantage of the gap between the common-sense understanding shared by a small group of legal experts and the general public’s misunderstanding of international law, the U.S. is labeling China’s non-recognition of any award as non-compliance with international law. China must make the public — and scholars — appreciate the difference between general rules and exceptional rules.

The grim situation of terrorism facing the United States can attributed to many factors, such as the diffusion of international terrorists, the diverse propaganda ways of extremist ideology, and Washington’s own counter-terrorism strategies. The US needs a clear understanding on this point before it can achieve long-term solutions.

Lu Wei, China’s Internet Czar is stepping down, causing speculation to arise that he may have been demoted or dismissed. Rogier Creemers considers a more likely scenario: Lu Wei may be promoted to lead the Central Propaganda Department, as its relevance to media has waned compared to the multitude of voices online through social media. In a very short time, Lu reversed the leadership's perception of the Internet from something to be feared to something that could be mastered.

The first nuclear arms control agreements in the 1960s did not solve all the problems of controlling nuclear weapons. But after two decades of slow learning, those agreements started a process. Joseph S. Nye proposes that President Obama and President Xi’s 2015 agreement on cyber espionage may do something similar for cyber security.

American air and sea reconnaissance operations challenge or encroach upon China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. China and the US have different understandings or interpretations of both an EEZ and territorial waters, and to avoid accidents and enhance the military relationship, the two sides should start serious talks to seek a mutually acceptable solution. As a first step, the US military should limit its reconnaissance operations to the international airspace and high seas that both sides recognize.

As a self-labeled world leader, the US should abandon its provocative and destabilizing air and sea exercises in the South China Sea – and sign and abide by UNCLOS wholly and thoroughly instead of citing a few isolated words and phrases to serve its purpose.

It is important that the security communities in both the U.S. and China recognize that space is a global commons, and that political entanglement paradoxically benefits both countries. However, the U.S. and China both appear to be ramping up their military responses to each other’s perceived threatening activities. Space cooperation and entanglements will not result in a country fundamentally changing its domestic ideologies or geostrategic goals.

The US deployment of anti-missile systems in Eastern Europe could lead to a new arms race. Russia sees the moves as a harbinger of the eastward expansion of NATO and perhaps a springboard for the United States to expand and increase its presence into the Middle East, the Caucasus and Central Asian regions. This will not be constructive to easing tensions and creating stability in Europe.