Despite China’s economic slowdown, the Chinese government has plans under its "Made in China 2025" program to spend $300 billion by 2025 to become self-sufficient in critical technologies and strategic emerging industries. U.S. unease at the size and opaqueness of China’s large military buildup are well-known. The latest developments will likely lead the Trump administration to continue efforts to reduce Russian defense technology transfers to China, sustain the EU arms embargo on China, and make U.S. weapons and other U.S. exports more competitive in global markets.

Despite three major obstacles -- U.S. arms sales to Taiwan, close-in reconnaissance and discriminatory laws – a review of China-US military contacts in 2016 suggests that the armed forces of both countries are determined to sustain a relationship despite recurring tensions. Promoted by top-level policies, the two sides should maintain close communication, increase practical cooperation, and manage differences and contradictions.

If the new president’s military and budget priorities don’t change, the U.S. is likely to lose the leverage it has with allies by underwriting their defense and to start a new arms race when a stronger U.S. military upends the current balance of power.

Given the apparently low intelligence value of the recently seized U.S. UUV, China may have intended the seizure primarily as a provocation or warning. Though the vessels involved held a low-risk of escalation, the legal precedent is more significant: last Thursday’s incident occurred approximately 50 nautical miles northwest of Subic Bay, nowhere near sensitive Chinese military facilities, and in waters that China has not claimed any jurisdiction over.

The PLA should not only collaborate in US-led exercises to get familiar with American weapon systems and the tactics they employ, the Chinese should embrace the model and initiate joint exercises of its own. That would demonstrate its readiness both to face foreign intervention and to preserve regional security and stability as it assume mores global responsibilities.

The joint operations provide Chinese forces valuable opportunities to test their skills and tactics. But if the West is really concerned with China and Russia’s intentions behind these drills, it needs some soul-searching to ask what “common threats’ have driven the two countries to get closer faster than anticipated.

The China-US military relationship goes beyond its traditional bilateral boundary, and moves into regional and even global arenas. With the Chinese military extending its global reach, it finds more occasions to cooperate with its US counterpart, despite new frictions arising from China’s bilateral disputes with its neighbors, some of whom are U.S. allies. Crisis-prevention management and confidence-building measures have become important new elements in the relationship, crucial stabilizers even in the worst circumstances.

A visit to China by Pentagon chief Ashton Carter could help increase mutual understanding, dispel some unnecessary misjudgments, and build more political trust between the two countries and their armed forces. For the sake of improving Sino-U.S. relations, the two sides should have grasped the opportunity rather than beating a retreat in the face of difficulties.

China and Russia will conduct a joint naval exercise codenamed Joint Sea 2016 in the South China Sea from Sept 12 to 19.

Cooperation in non-security areas is stimulating more opportunities in security areas, despite efforts by third parties to diminish strategic trust between the two navies.