Whereas nationalism in China was fused with “bottom-up” revolutions and thus had an inherent obligation to change existing conditions, nationalism in Japan, aligned with “top-down” restorations and later imperialism, was more a direct force of anti-revolutionary oppression with the obligation to preserve the status quo. Given that Japan’s nationalism is divorced from popular spontaneity and mass support, fears about “resurging Japanese nationalism”, albeit understandable, are probably misplaced.

U.S.-led sanctions against Moscow are helping to create a more assertive Russia determined to countervail American power, even as a special counsel investigates alleged collusion between President Donald Trump’s election campaign and Moscow, have compelled Russia to pivot to China.

Tightening its belt, the US recalibrates its outreach to the rest of the world, from defense to diplomacy to peacekeeping.

In the foreseeable future, the Trump administration will be constrained by the special counsel’s Russia investigation. How will it impact the White House’s relations with China?

When policymakers decide to deal with China, they should remember that Mao’s experience cast a long shadow over China’s history. His admiration for America in his youth as well as his later hopes for U.S.-China rapprochement was later negated by his perception of humiliation, invasion, and partitioning by foreign powers, resulting in his deep distrust of America. Whether anyone accepts it or not, this historical context rooted in the French Château will be the frame of reference, however subtle, for China when dealing with the West.

The first meeting of the biannual bilateral consultation mechanism to manage the South China Sea disputes, which is hoped to have a positive cascading effect on the early conclusion for a regional Code of Conduct on the disputed sea. Hints of possible cooperation in non-traditional security can be gleaned from President Duterte’s interest to welcome Chinese presence in the Sulu Sea to help address maritime piracy and armed sea robbery.

With a lucrative arms contract and a strategic shift toward Saudi Arabia Israel, the US consolidated long-standing alliances at the likely expense of warming relations with Iran. But the new president has shifted his ground quickly on more than one issue, and so his Middle East policy still should be viewed as a work in progress.

Strong political will from both sides, coupled with quiet diplomacy to handle contentious issues and consider each other’s concerns, and is leading to flexibility in China-Philippines management of their maritime disputes.

That Beijing and Manila have smoothly maneuvered a new bilateral consultation mechanism for the South China Sea issue in such a short time — and made it a platform for confidence-building as well as maritime and security cooperation — is praiseworthy. It also demonstrates the futility of outside interference in the sea issue.

As expected, China may face criticism at this year’s Shangri-La Asia Security Summit in Singapore. While the U.S. may strike a balance in the keynote policy speech by Defense Secretary James Mattis, Japan is likely to wage a PR campaign against China.