Questions have arisen with the pandemic about who is responsible for what. The answer is simple and clear: National governments are the primary providers of assistance to their citizens.

An international order free of the United States is inconceivable in the long-term, but a tentative limited multilateralism excluding the world’s sole superpower may develop and exist for some time.

With a potential new confrontation looming between China and the United States, it’s clear that the ground has shifted from the Cold War era. The rules of a new cold war will not be set by the major powers alone.

Many analysts argue that the liberal international order ended with the rise of China and the election of US President Donald Trump. But if Joe Biden defeats Trump in November’s election, should he try to revive it? Probably not, but he must replace it.

The notion of persuading countries in an expanded G7 to adhere to the U.S. line for containing China has far too much working against it. The schism between America and Europe is only widening under the unpredictable impulses of the current U.S. president.

The impact of the pandemic on China and other countries will linger long after it ends. It will lead to a dramatic reshaping of the global landscape of supply and industrial chains and the entire order of world trade. The process has already begun.

At a time when countries all over the world face the onslaught of a rapidly mounting health crisis, one thing is clear: Sino-American and Asian-regional cooperation is paramount.

International politics in this century won’t be a simple story of U.S. decline and China’s rise to become a new global hegemon. That describes the history of past centuries, but it’s an obsolete concept today.

China’s idea for a new model of international relations is about more than economics. It envisions global solidarity in the context of multipolar politics.

Some wrestling may be needed before they can seriously look at decoupling.