Absent some substantive progress, the Korean Peninsula situation may well deteriorate significantly this year. To prevent a new escalation, the international community should make the DPRK aware of exactly what the red lines are.

As the president of the Republic of Korea reaches the halfway mark of his tenure, he has acquired some valuable experience for helping bring peace to the peninsula. It’s time to shift into high gear.

The tasks and timelines are complex, but it’s still possible to end the nuclear standoff on the Korean Peninsula once and for all. Time is short.

America’s apparent willingness, as part of a deal aimed at forestalling the rise of a new long-range missile threat, to accept a North Korea armed with short- to medium-range missiles is giving Japan the jitters.

Despite decades of strategic arms-control agreements and unilateral disarmament, the international community has no standardized way to guarantee that a country claiming to disarm is actually doing so.

The US must address the root causes of the North Korean problem – its security paranoia – to make a successful nuclear deal.

The Trump administration’s recently released national security, national defense, and nuclear strategies make clear that China and Russia have become the pacing threat for U.S. national security managers. However, the NPR likely errs in stating that Chinese officials are “increasing nuclear threats.” Unlike Moscow and Washington, Beijing has a declared no-first-use doctrine.

Has the U.S. position on how to deal with North Korea actually changed?

Recalling an in-depth conversation more than a dozen years ago with John Mearsheimer, the author of The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, He Yafei says, “In the beginning if you pin each