It is the mission of the think tank to stay on high alert against potential risks and explore possible solutions to challenges. The international system is currently undergoing the most dramatic changes since the end of the Cold War. The peaceful and open international environment, which has been taken for granted over the last four decades, is now overshadowed by formidable challenges. In this context, it is the think tank’s responsibility to explore and identify external security risks that might pose threats to China in the months and years ahead.

Mimicking the American-style approach of guarding against imaginary enemies, Japan’s recently released documents will have a significant impact on relations with China and other countries. Its effort to achieve strategic autonomy is a tall order, as the U.S. doesn’t want too much of that.

Could the United States and China go to war over Taiwan? China regards the island 90 miles (145 kilometers) off its coast as a renegade province, and President Xi Jinping raised the issue at the recent 20th Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC). Though Xi said he prefers reunification by peaceful means, his objective was clear, and he did not rule out the use of force. Meanwhile, in Taiwan, the share of the population identifying as solely Taiwanese continues to exceed the share that identifies as both Chinese and Taiwanese.

Peaceful development and capacity building are the two cornerstones of China’s philosophy, and the panda movie provides an apt analogy. Under the rules of the jungle, the panda, which is docile by nature and non-aggressive, wants to live in harmony with other animals.

When the Biden administration speaks of challenges to the liberal international order, it should be understood that U.S. anxiety over the “authoritarianism” it attributes to China and Russia is an external projection of internal domestic ideological contradictions and external troubles.

Foreigners have hyped the possibility that Beijing will resort to reunification by force. This creates a dilemma: China must either accept the prospect of secession or the destructive consequences of force. Escaping this trap will require joint efforts by Chinese people on both sides of the strait.

After nearly two years in office, the Biden administration recently published its National Security Strategy. The 48-page document covers the broad spectrum of national security and foreign policy challenges to the United States, prominently including the People’s Republic of China.

It’s clear that the United States is determined to win its competition with China. Therefore, China should prepare for greater pressure from the U.S. during what the newly released National Security Strategy calls the “decisive decade” ahead.

Europe has stepped up its engagement with Taiwan to a level unthinkable only a few years ago - a dynamic which is welcomed in Washington but risks triggering commercial reprisals from Beijing. If not managed carefully, such actions threaten to reduce Europe’s diplomatic leeway and ability to contribute to a peaceful solution of Cross-Strait relations. The EU should urgently set up a high-level communication channel with Beijing to complement the transatlantic dialogue on the Indo-Pacific established last year.

There are many imperfections and contradictions in the latest NSS. It’s hard enough to promote fairness and justice in the world, so how does one balance a strategy that puts U.S. interests and the well-being of Americans ahead of everyone else?