While the United States has come through for its allies in Europe, Israel and Ukraine for now, there is reason for concern. Depending on who is elected U.S. president in November, securing further U.S. support could become increasingly difficult. If Donald Trump wins, there could be trouble ahead.

Cooperation between China and the United States in Track II dialogues now can help to avoid potential risks in international security and avoid bumps in bilateral relations. Interactions can also contribute insights useful in the establishment of the international norms and institutions needed for global AI governance.

The attack near Russia’s capital has sounded the alarm, once again, that terrorism is not far away. The U.S. has backed off from its leadership role, which only removes obstacles for international jihadists. Renewed cooperation is needed now more than ever.

The current wave of anti-Chinese sentiment in the United States has been building for years. It started in the early 2000s, when US policymakers first raised national-security concerns about Huawei. China’s national technology champion, the market leader in developing new 5G telecommunications equipment, was accused of deploying digital backdoors that could enable Chinese espionage and cyber-attacks. US-led sanctions in 2018-19 stopped Huawei dead in its tracks.

The French president has no intention of rushing troops into Ukraine without first getting his country’s allies to buy in. However, his rhetoric has be alarming, leading to serious discussions about escalation. It’s a very dangerous development.

If Donald Trump returns to the White House next year, it might represent a turnaround for Russia. Although President Vladimir Putin has said that Russia would prefer Joe Biden, he also cannot fail to see an opportunity in Trump to continue his quest to restore Russian dominance, starting with Ukraine.

Fabricating a strategic architecture by uniting Japan, the Philippines and Australia with the United States will only accelerate the transformation of the region into opposing camps and drag the big powers into a dangerous Thucydides trap.

While Central Asia is caught between two adversarial powers, it is unlikely to distance itself from Russia and China due to its geographical proximity and the already well-established ties between these nations.

The trilateral militarization between the U.S., Japan and the Philippines has officially started and is likely to expand. In the next few years, it will cast a dark shadow of missiles and nuclearization over the Philippines and the region.

As the conflict in Ukraine rages on, Russia has fewer nations to turn to to help sustain its protracted incursion save for China. Should the world be more wary of China committing greater resources to helping Russia’s cause?