Donald Trump is running out of patience with North Korea. Using heated language unusual for a US president, Trump recently warned that if Pyongyang threatens to

As the Islamic State is collapsing in the Middle East, it needs wins elsewhere. Southeast Asia is Jihadi terror’s new battlefront. In order to contain the terror and sustain the Asian Century, new kind of cooperation is needed between the ASEAN, the U.S., China, and other major powers in the region and the Middle East.

If the Kim regime were to collapse, the United States and China would have common ground for cooperation. Without more technical and forthcoming exchanges, however, the shock of sudden change in the North could result in mutual mistrust and antagonism, reflecting the underlying divergence in American and Chinese long-term geopolitical objectives for the region as a whole.

The United States has revamped its maritime response to Chinese policy in the South China Sea, conducting its first Freedom of Navigation Operation (FONOP) since President Trump took office. While China cannot allow this action to go unchecked, it should consider its larger global and regional power objectives before determining its response.

China claims sovereignty over almost the entirety of the South China Sea, while consistently rejecting The Hague ruling. Thus, the only way for a JDA to push through is if Duterte managed to amend the Philippine constitution, largely ignore his country’s arbitration award victory, and overcome deep-seated public antipathy towards resource-sharing agreements with China. This will be an uphill battle with a lot of potential hiccups along the way.

Since North Korea is nearing its ultimate goal of achieving full nuclear deterrent capability against the United States, we might expect China to now show more rationality and return to the negotiation table. This will reduce North Korea’s hostility towards the U.S. and other countries.

U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson said on August 1 in Washington that the U.S. does not seek to topple the North Korean government and would like dialogue with Pyongyang at some point.

The U.S. House of Representative passed the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), a provision that allows for mutual stationing by military vessels between the United States and Taiwan. The President should veto the Act in the interest of smoothing the development of China-U.S. relations along with his own foreign policy agenda.

As the standoff between Chinese and Indian troops over a disputed border in the Himalayas enters its second month, the world is asking: who does this contested area truly belong true? By examining existing evidence, we can find an answer and begin on the road to peace.

The worsening relations between the mainland and Taiwan place the United States in an awkward and potentially dangerous position. Washington should retain the right to sell weapons to Taipei so the Taiwanese can deter an attack from the mainland, or if deterrence fails, have a decent chance of repelling such an attack. Conversely, the United States must make it clear to the Taiwanese leadership that, fond as we might be of democratic Taiwan, America will not risk war with China to protect the island and preserve its de facto independence.