The international response to the recent Charlie Hebdo incident indicates that there are subtle differences between the U.S. and Europe in their ideological treatment of free speech regarding religion. Shen Dingli suggests the difference between responsible free speech, and abstract instigation of other cultures.

China is both an important contributor to and overall beneficiary of the post-war international order. In facing new challenges, China should take the opportunity offered by the 70th anniversary of World War II, and make an effort to safeguard and improve the post-war international order.

Wu Sike writes that stability in Egypt will hinge on finding a proper solution to the many issues plaguing the region, and that China-U.S. cooperation can help to bring about peace and stability in the Middle East.

Chen Xiangyang provides an overview of the major international power conflicts during 2014, a year marked by “flux” and “reconfiguration.” Western countries will find it hard to dominate international order, institutions, and rules due to the collective emergence of new powers, mostly in Asia.

The U.S. State Department released a study of China’s “nine-dash line” in December, analyzing the legal basis in maritime law. Sourabh Gupta critiques this analysis, stating that as long as China limits these activities to traditional fishing - not resource development or marine scientific research – and exercises them on a non-exclusive basis, the nine-dash line as a perimeter of China’s is not inconsistent with international law.

Lu Wei, China’s cyber czar has stressed “cyber sovereignty” as China’s official Internet policy. While the recent Sony hack may reveal that China was complicit in the unlawful breach of cyber norms, Gady argues that China and the U.S. need to find less politically sensitive ways to cooperate on mutually beneficial Internet issues, while circumventing their disagreements in other domains.

The recent Sony hack should increase dialogue between China and the U.S. on how to respond to cyber attacks and how to improve cooperation in cyber governance. Both countries are suspicious of the other’s activities, but existing interconnected Internet infrastructure requires new forms of dialogue and accountability.

The most vulnerable part in Sino-US relations is military relations. The recent MOU between the two militaries is a great effort from both sides to “develop a new model of military-to-military relations”.

The United States and China have differing strategies in dealing with Iranian and North Korean nuclear policy. Zhao Weibin highlights the Sino-U.S. diplomatic divergence in economic sanctions, disarmament processes, and ideology of national sovereignty, stressing that common interest in resolving this issue should spur a cooperative action plan.

The recently concluded Xiangshan Forum addressed the prospect of a New Asian Security Concept, suggesting that strong political leadership will be necessary for building a community of common interests.