U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio met with Panamanian President José Raúl Mulino. Rubio traveled to Panama, El Salvador, Costa Rica, Guatemala, and the Dominican Republic from February 1-6 to advance President Trump’s America First foreign policy.
Relations with neighbors are critical for any country in the world. But the United States has long neglected its neighbors because it took the Western Hemisphere for granted as its backyard and therefore was extremely confident that it had the final say in the affairs of the whole region.
In a sense, the U.S. deemed its periphery to be very important but not urgent. The new Trump administration has reversed this by making peripheral diplomacy a top priority. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio wrote in an opinion piece in The Wall Street Journal on Jan. 30 — titled “An Americas First Foreign Policy” — that in the realm of diplomacy, “this means paying closer attention to our own neighborhood — the Western Hemisphere.”
From Feb. 1 to 6, Rubio traveled to five countries in Central America and the Caribbean: Panama, El Salvador, Costa Rica, Guatemala and the Dominican Republic, his maiden overseas journey. President Donald Trump’s “periphery first” foreign policy is not only a means of fulfilling a campaign promise but also a response to the strategic need to handle U.S. competition with China and a way to showcase the international authority of his new government.
Trump signed a range of executive orders on his inauguration day, including declaring an emergency at the southern U.S. border to combat such security challenges as illegal immigrants and the drug smuggling operations of cartels. These issues are closely related to neighboring countries. As Rubio wrote in his opinion, “Diplomacy’s role in this effort is central. We need to work with countries of origin to halt and deter further migrant flows, and to accept the return of their citizens present in the U.S. illegally.”
The previous administration under Joe Biden, also aware of this situation, introduced the Los Angeles Declaration on Migration and Protection to promote cooperation with Mexico and Central American countries through assistance and investment, policy coordination and humane border enforcement. In contrast, what Trump has adopted are heavy-handed policies to coerce these countries to accept his arrangements.
For example, he pressured Canada and Mexico to boost border security to stop illegal drugs and leaned on Colombia, under threat of tariffs, to accept deported migrants. Yet, such policies have gained popularity with the public. According to a newly released CBS News/YouGov poll, 70 percent of Americans agree Trump is doing what he promised on the campaign trail, and 59 percent approve his mass deportation plans. His approval rating is currently at 53 percent.
Coping with the challenges posed by China is another force driving the U.S. to beef up diplomacy on its periphery. In recent years, Washington has cooperated closely with Central America in economy and trade, technology and even security, and has expressed concerns about China’s joint development of the Belt and Road Initiative in Latin America. On March 24, 2022, Laura J. Richardson, then-commander of the U.S. Southern Command, said during a Senate hearing: “The People’s Republic of China, our long-term strategic competitor, continues its relentless march to expand economic, diplomatic, technological, informational and military influence in Latin America and the Caribbean and challenges U.S. influence in all of these domains.”
Rubio talked about “curbing Chinese influence in the Western Hemisphere” during his recent trip, elaborating on China-Latin American cooperation; the Panama Canal; the joint development of the BRI, 5G and cybersecurity; and the one-China principle. Trump’s claim in his inaugural speech that China is operating the Panama Canal and that the U.S. would take it back was the only mention of China in the speech, revealing the new administration’s fear of China’s increased influence.
On Feb. 2, Rubio reiterated during his meeting with Panama’s President Jose Raul Mulino that “China’s presence was a threat to the waterway and a violation of the U.S.-Panama treaty” and that “this status quo is unacceptable.” He threatened that without immediate changes, the U.S. would take steps to protect its rights under the Treaty Concerning the Permanent Neutrality and Operation of the Panama Canal.
The Trump administration has pressured Panama to reduce its connections with China while warning other regional players that have forged close ties with China. Panama then announced its plans to abandon the BRI. This is a full embodiment of America’s hegemony but also shows its unassailable influence on the Western Hemisphere.
Manifesting its international authority by enhancing its relations with neighboring countries comes as a third driving force. Among these nations, there are U.S. allies such as Canada and also what the U.S. deems as “antagonistic” or “illegal” regimes, including Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela. In terms of power, none of them can adopt pragmatic, long-term, and reciprocal countermeasures against Washington.
To deal with them, the U.S. government tempers justice with mercy, in addition to imposing a strong-power logic that amounts to “Submit and you’ll prosper; oppose and you’ll perish.” The U.S. levied heavy tariffs on Canada and Mexico and designated Cuba once again as a “state sponsor of terrorism,” showing that any country that poses any perceived threat to its national interests and security will suffer.
On the other hand, the U.S. extended some carrots to those willing to adjust their policies to cater to the “America first” agenda. As Rubio said, “There is much more to be gained from working with the U.S. than not.”
To a large degree, the U.S. is making trade and security interests the sole standards by which to define its foreign policy orientation, where values are unworthy of mention. “This approach to foreign policy is based on concrete shared interests, not vague platitudes or utopian ideologies,” Rubio said. The U.S. takes it for granted that it can plunder the rest of the world. To Trump, other countries have taken advantage of the United States, and it’s time they pay back the “overdue debt.”
The Trump 2.0 foreign policy will deal a heavy blow to current international relations, which is not surprising. However, its prioritizing of “periphery diplomacy” is a bit unexpected. It’s hard to draw any conclusion now whether or not Trump, who never follows rules, will reshape Washington’s foreign policy system. But the possibility exists. Getting along with Washington is important and, in the meantime, risky and challenging for both U.S. allies and competitors. It may be dangerous to be America’s enemy, but to be America’s friend may be fatal.
In any case, for both its friends and enemies, going beyond the conventional perception of U.S. diplomacy to explore the inner logic of Trump 2.0 foreign policy is a thorny task.
