Other than a few glib remarks, surprisingly little was said about China at this month’s US presidential debate. Former President Donald Trump asserted that his proposed import tariffs would punish “China and all of the countries that have been ripping us off for years.” Vice President Kamala Harris, for her part, disparaged China’s pandemic response, stating that President Xi Jinping “was responsible for lacking and not giving us transparency about the origins of COVID.”

When President Joe Biden announced he would not seek re-election, American politics suffered a seismic shock. The Democratic Party’s substitution of Vice President Kamala Harris to face former president Donald Trump upended the apple cart. While Biden had been slipping, Harris’s momentum has made the outcome too close to call.

If both sides maintain a rational and pragmatic understanding of each other and continue on a path of patient, stable communication — looking for opportunities to close seemingly impossible gaps — then a positive outcome is still in the game.

It’s unlikely that conservatism will regain the influence it once had — during the Reagan era, for example. A pivotal issue is whether traditional mainstream conservatism could merge with populist conservatism and national conservatism, and then make a comeback.

The Philippines sits at the crossroads of the Pacific and Southeast Asia, navigating its historical ties to the U.S. and proximity to China with extreme care and diplomatic acumen. As China seeks to grow its power this decade, the Philippines will surely play a major role in how things unfold.

As U.S.-China relations face mounting tension and uncertainty, reflecting on the early days of cultural exchange in the 1980s reveals a simpler time of optimism, goodwill, and mutual curiosity. While today's challenges are formidable, the shared experiences of those who helped build these ties offer a reminder that, even in times of difficulty, there remains potential for collaboration and understanding.

The recent visit to Beijing by Jake Sullivan, the U.S. national security adviser, revealed some new trends in the development of relations. Both sides wish to preserve stability against the backdrop of U.S. presidential elections and — to use a significant phrase — move forward.

In the run-up to the 2024 election, we can see how domestic politics bring changes to U.S. foreign policy. Interest groups in crucial swing states will play an outsize role in U.S. policy formulation, and their influence will extend beyond their actual voting power.

If Vice President Kamala Harris is elected president in November, she will confront a range of severe challenges, including extremism, a Congress likely to be controlled by Republicans, a debt-ridden government, the decline of U.S. power and ongoing international conflicts. Change won’t come easy.

China’s trading partners are once again fretting about the country’s supposedly unfair economic practices. This time, the focus is on China’s alleged attempt to export its excess capacity, especially in emerging sectors such as electric vehicles (EVs), and to undermine domestic industries in the United States and Europe.