It remains to be seen whether the Trump-led US will be more self-confident, or more suspicious; continue embracing (though no longer enthusiastically) globalization, or nervously shrink back. The notion that businessman Trump will be more interested in cutting deals, and that his foreign policy will forsake persistent American values and criteria, is overly naive.

Donald Trump will be the next president of the United States, which could signal a new configuration for U.S.-China relations. Three options appear possible. First, Trump’s Administration could end up confusing China through a mixture of respect and intimidation. Second, Trump’s Administration could opt to preserve the status quo of economic engagement but American military superiority in East Asia. And Third, Trump’s Administration could seek to orient the bilateral relationship towards respect and mutual benefit, avoiding “self-damaging” competition. Which path will be taken will largely rest on the sort of people Trump appoints to his Administration.

Reacting to issues from Korea to the South China Sea, the next president of the United States should carefully build mutual confidence and reduce the possibility of risks. Holding the annual summit between the two leaders as early as possible in 2017 would be a great first step.

Based on conversations Kaiser Kuo and his wife Fanfan have had with Chinese and Chinese Americans since moving to North Carolina in person and on WeChat groups, the chief reasons behind the popularity of Trump with first-generation immigrants from the PRC are: affirmative action, sexual conservatism, racism, schadenfreude, and Clinton’s hawkishness, taxation, immigration, and personality.

In Europe, Asia, and South America, preferences for either Clinton or Trump differ based on the candidates’ views on trade, the economy, and foreign policy doctrine. Though Clinton is the preferred candidate in most areas, whoever the next U.S. president is will face significant challenges on several continents.

Hillary Clinton is expected to be more belligerent than Obama in dealing with Beijing. But the U.S. cannot expect confrontational or coercive tactics to succeed. Doing so could damage further cooperation between the two countries and drive Beijing closer to North Korea. Instead, the U.S. should aim to take a more diplomatic approach to their relationship with Beijing.

The critical U.S. presidential election between Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton not only matters for China-U.S. relations, but also reflects how a new and potent form of isolationism is on the rise globally. Deep economic and cultural fissures are developing between those who can take advantage of globalization and those who lack the resources and skills to do so.

Rather than focusing on the nominees’ rhetoric, Professor Timothy Webster explores their actions vis-à-vis China and the international economy during their respective careers. Whoever wins in November, the next administration will likely enact a China policy stressing economic engagement, person-to-person interaction, and cooperation on a wide range of global challenges — despite fundamental disagreements with China about a number of issues.

The rise in populism and nationalism could well undermine Clinton's dream to be America’s first woman president, but in this surprising year those forces provide no guarantees for Trump, either.

Chinese media is already weighing in on the implications of a race between Democrat Hillary Clinton and Republican Donald Trump. Clinton presents to Chinese politicians an undeniably superior alternative to Trump’s loose cannon: a known entity with predictable behavior who will maintain the current tenor of bilateral diplomatic dialogue.