Developments in the realms of outer space and energy/environment now present us the opportunity for three of the world’s great powers – China, Russia and the United States – to increase significantly international cooperation in the long run for two of the four global public commons: space and energy/environment. However, such improvements will not happen unless leaders in Washington, Beijing, and Moscow rethink historical notions of competition and conflict among them.

America’s biggest enemy today is neither China nor Russia, but its own identity crisis. Resorting to out-of-date thinking to seek a new “balancing” strategy of realigned alliances makes no sense in today’s economically interdependent world. Turning potential friends into foes, on the other hand, could lead the country in a terrible direction.

Despite superficial appearances and some genuine outreach between Trump and Putin, the differences between these rival countries are too complex, too deep and too historic to quickly wash away, even if such a move was in American interests.

Major powers need to work together to push globalization forward in the right direction, with more equitable benefits for people in every country. Any action to gain geopolitical advantage at the expense of another major power will not only bring risks to global security but damage prospects for world economic growth.

As the three-power “triangle” re-adjusts, China’s first priority is to be confident in the diplomatic achievements it has made over the past few decades. Putin has recently pledged to “cherish the Russia-China relationship,” and the deep foundation of China-US relations that has been laid over recent years should be solid enough to survive short-term pressures.

This year could see a major shakeup in the China-U.S. interaction in Afghanistan and Central Asia. Until now, the relationships in these regions between China and the United States, and between China and Russia, has been better than the Russian-American rivalry in Central Asia. But if the new Trump administration succeeds in improving Russian-U.S. relations, or decides to cut back on the U.S. military commitment in Afghanistan, China’s bargaining leverage vis-à-vis Russia in Central Asia will decline.

Unlike in the confrontation 1970s, China and Russia have established a comprehensive strategic partnership and see eye-to-eye on key international issues. The US and Russia, meanwhile, have many strategic conflicts and are unlikely to develop a close relationship, despite President-elect Trump’s possible wishful thinking.

Generations of Chinese leaders have said China aims to have the minimum capability required to launch an effective nuclear counterattack. From the long-term perspective, global disarmament has always been China’s goal, and the country should lead the way to keep other major powers faithful to that goal.

The relations among China, Russia and the US have direct and significant bearing on the global situation. In their own self-interest, the three countries should form a kind of synergy to promote the development of the global economy, cope with natural disasters, fight against terrorism, and forge and defend a just and rational international order.

China has accepted some gains from the world order established by the United States, but they disapprove of how the structure reflects exclusively American values and is buttressed “by a military alignment, which does not take into consideration the security interests of others.” Some Chinese commentators can also see a great benefit to aligning with Russia to offset the U.S.; however, uncertainty about regional powers and IGO influence remains pivotal to the current great-power structure.