Following Xi Jinping’s first state visit to India, Fu Xiaoqiang examines the Sino-Indian relationship and discusses how China can work with India to improve bilateral relations and ensure peaceful coexistence.

The United States, India and China are all important players in Asia. It is unlikely that any two countries can unite and exclude a third party. Compatibility, rather than competition, is in the interest of all the three countries, writes Su Xiaohui.

No sooner had the dust settled from the World Cup than Brazil played host to the five leaders of the BRICS countries—Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa. An immediate outcome of the Fortaleza summit was the formation of the New Development Bank, a development finance institution to rival the World Bank. The group also announced a currency reserve pool as an alternative to the IMF. Done right, both initiatives could change the institutional landscape for multilateral development financing.

As China seeks to deepen ties with Israel it also needs to balance inherent contradictions of the relationship. While the defence industry was once the cornerstone of Sino-Israeli relations, Washington’s objections have limited relations. Still, commercial and trade links are set to expand between Israel and China, raising interesting policy implications for China, Israel, and the US.

Given the outcome of the recent Indian election, Ma Jiali discusses the implications of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s leadership on Sino-Indian relations. Moreover, Jiali asserts that a logical step in Modi’s plan of reform is to strengthen ties with China. Jilai states that, due to China’s commitment to Sino-Indian relations in the past, a Sino-Indian partnership is indeed feasible.

Two news reports in late January suggested that India was becoming a more active participant in regional security issues. Ted Galen Carpenter discusses how a more assertive India could put the U.S. in a difficult situation.

With the advent of the Chinese dream at the 18th CPC Congress, many international relations experts have attempted to compare the Chinese and the American dream. But now, Ma Jilali focuses on the Indian dream and how each nation’s respective dream could boost cooperation between the countries.

Over the past decade, expectations have risen that India would be the next country to join the ranks of the world’s leading economic and strategic powers. However, despite Delhi’s reluctance to serve as a counter-balance to Beijing, there is little doubt that China-India-U.S. relations will be a major feature of international affairs in the coming years.

ASEAN has always been careful to balance the status of the major powers rather than allow the forum to indulge power games, writes Zhou Shixin. If ASEAN tries to choose sides in the forum, or seek hegemony in the region by use of the forum, it will lose the very confidence it has worked so hard to build.

In his first trip abroad, Chinese Premier Li Keqiang visited India to downplay tensions over a recent border dispute and focus on bridging economic ties between the two countries. As Brahma Chellaney explains, India has a long way to go toward advancing its own strategic interests and taking an assertive role in regional politics.