A significant step in the Biden administration’s effort to realign NATO is the attempt to link the Atlantic and Pacific strategies. The U.S. is doing this in part by amplifying the so-called China threat in the Asia-Pacific and exporting the NATO concept of alliances against big powers.

What has evolved is a sort of pseudo-multilateralism in Europe and Asia. After the Cold War, ASEAN developed into a mature community. But with the increasing hype of regional tensions came the idea that Asia can only be safe when relying on a NATO-like military grouping featuring live ammunition.

The U.S. and South Korea continue to look for ways to address the challenges with North Korea, while hoping for the involvement of China. Yet, China is unlikely to get involved unless its interests are also met in the process.

The issue has gradually moved up to become one of the most controversial in bilateral relations. Its impact is extensive and its priority is consequently high. Finite, feasible goals are needed to settle the dust through dialogue.

Although its policy is not flawless and may not be replicable by other countries, China’s positive approach has been effective in containing threats. The biased rhetoric of some observers needs to give way to a more fair and in-depth assessment.

The United States often uses the term “international waters,” but no such thing is defined in the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. When the false claim is made that China is in violation of the rules, it needs to clarify its jurisdiction.

In the midst of the Cold War, US policymakers became convinced that détente with China would best serve America’s strategic interests. It was only made possible after the question of Taiwan was handled with diplomatic dexterity. The magic formulation clinched after painstaking negotiation was US acknowledgement of the Chinese position that “there is one China, and Taiwan is a part of China”.

China’s space program should not be underestimated, as it continues to match U.S. space station technological accomplishments and take on ambitious projects.

When Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered his invasion of Ukraine on February 24, he envisaged a quick seizure of Kyiv and a change of government analogous to Soviet interventions in Budapest in 1956 and Prague in 1968. But it wasn’t to be. The war is still raging, and no one knows when or how it will end.

The raging Russia-Ukraine conflict is a stark reminder of the urgency of effective management of weapons of mass destruction. The international community must come together to restart the long-stalled international negotiations over arms control and nuclear disarmament by fully utilizing the existing mechanisms and platforms and generating greater consensus and impetus among all stakeholders. A staunch supporter of the international arms control and nuclear disarmament regime, China adheres to its longstanding nuclear policy of maximum restraint and remains committed to the pursuit of a new path leading to a world of enduring peace and stability.