Beijing’s celebration of the 70th anniversary of the end of world war is meant to project China as a peace-loving country determined to prevent such trauma from happening again. If the rise of China is the most important event in the 21 century, the message from the Tian’anmen Square parade is clear: The PLA can help to make the world a safer place.

The US DOD’s 15th report on China’s military, pushing China again into the rank of potential adversaries. Indeed, only the four militaries of the former Soviet Union, China, Iran, and North Korea have enjoyed the “privilege” of US DOD’s annual scrutiny. In addition to the monotonous description of the latest developments in Chinese armed forces, this year’s report has some new features.

Fear-mongering about efforts to improve Internet security ignores an important reality: The new rules may bring bigger and better opportunities for cooperation between Chinese and American technology firms.

The recent negotiations on Iranian nuclear development have given many around the world reason for optimism. He Wenping explains the negotiations with a special emphasis on the influence that the U.S. and China had on them and their respected roles moving forward.

70 years after the end of WWII, the ghost of historical conflict still haunts international relationships in East Asia. Historic consciousness, particularly regarding the sense of humiliation relating to the war experience, has been the crux of the nationalism experienced by these nations in East Asia, and used by elites as tools for political mobilization and other purposes. People must understand the importance the role of history education and social narrative play in international relations.

While a temporary Iran nuclear nonproliferation deal was made on April 2nd, there are still a few months before an overall agreement on Iran’s nuclear capabilities must be reached. The proposals and opinions raised by China received the great attention from other parties in the talks, and suggested patience, and compromise.

Deepening U.S. involvement with Taiwan represents a negative asset to U.S.-China relations, especially considering that in 1979, the Carter Administration acknowledged the P.R.C. as the sole legal Government of China. The U.S. should seize interference in the internal affairs of China and Taiwan, terminate arms sales to Taiwan and any form of official exchanges, and truly let people on both sides of the Strait settle their own political and military differences.

Compared with the 2010 National Security Strategy, the tone of U.S. policy toward China policy expressed more strategic concern on territorial disputes, military modernization, democracy and human rights, and cyber-security. Obama also has lambasted China for not “following the rules,” and China-U.S. relations could enter into a new stage of regular competition to define international rules.

It has been argued that China has benefitted from U.S. sanctions in Iran, and will lose out in the case of a U.S.-Iran détente. Yet hostility has already severely undermined China’s economic relations with Iran, and though China and the U.S. do share the same security concerns over Iran’s nuclear program, they have different ideas for solutions.

After years of fruitless efforts to prevent Iran from conducting any uranium enrichment, U.S. negotiators today join with their Chinese counterparts in seeking to contain, rather than eliminate, Iran’s nuclear weapons potential. However, while Chinese policy makers do not want Iran to acquire nuclear weapons, they oppose the use of military force or severe sanctions to prevent it. Richard Weitz highlights a China – U.S. competition for economic advantage in Iran, a dynamic that may define future talks.