The just concluded 2016 Munich Security Conference further deepened people's concerns over an increasing disorder in international situation. Although a war among major powers is unlikely to happen, the possibility of an escalation of conflicts cannot be excluded. Scholars expert in national security are pessimistic about the prospects of the Syria and Ukraine crises. They also harbor deep misgivings about the struggle for power vacuum in Afghanistan, Mali, Libya and Yemen, among varied non-state actors that are fueled by extremist ideology and conflicts between religious sects and ethnic groups.

The main challenges for the post-Cold War world include: Control by and challenges from international capitals, legacies of the Cold War, asymmetrical threats such as terrorism, regional and transnational conflicts. The world must find proper and effective means to cope with such challenges and manage crises in a time when the mobility and interdependence of personnel, capital, goods and ideas are increasingly enhanced.

Beijing should take effective measures to contain DPRK moves to develop and deploy nuclear weapons. China should also urge and assist the DPRK to reform, open up and pursue peaceful development, which is the right way of economic development and improvement of people’s livelihood.

China and the United States have yet to reach consensus in response to the crisis on the Korean Peninsula. The U.S. is not prepared to follow China’s path toward a rapid resurrection of the Six-Party Talks, while Beijing resists imposing alternative U.S. policies of applying unilateral sanctions on North Korea’s foreign enablers or reinforcing military pressure on Pyongyang.

Pyongyang’s recent missile tests show that becoming a nuclear power is not merely a bargaining chip but a genuine threat. The next US president will take renewed stock of the situation in the DPRK in 2017, and Beijing should start doing that right now. Protecting its own homeland security should and must be the fundamental gauge for China’s policy towards the DPRK.

Could the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) suffer collateral damage from China’s territorial claims in the South China Sea? In coming years, China must invest overseas to relieve growing internal economic imbalances and keep its populace employed to maintain political stability. This presents opportunities for borrowers and risks to China.

China and the U.S. agree on the need to impose sanctions, but not on the process and purpose. The starting point for imposing new sanctions should be to promote denuclearization and safeguard peace, not to escalate the tensions and not to cause chaos on the Korean peninsula.

Given the importance of both China and NATO, it is inconceivable that China and NATO don’t interact. Counter-piracy in the Gulf of Aden shows how both sides can work together to provide common security to the world.

China's failure to appear in court demonstrates its continued position of "non-acceptance and non-participation" in the arbitration unilaterally initiated by the Philippines. This arbitration could set a precedent that undermines the true spirit of the dispute settlement mechanism of UNCLOS.

Fundamentally, Chinese leaders seek to change Iran’s behavior, but not its regime. PRC policy makers want Iranian oil, but they are cautious about irritating more important commercial partners, especially the United States; when defending Tehran, Beijing strives to avoid confronting Washington directly.