The renewal of high-level Sino-U.S. exchanges along with the approaching American elections has intensified the U.S. debate about an optimal long-term strategy toward China.

Although it’s still early, China is referenced heavily in political rhetoric and is a top target of candidates. Washington is suffused with an atmosphere geopolitical contention. Distorted images of China and emerging hawkish policies have undermined goodwill in bilateral relations. China needs to prepare for any outcome in November.

When US Secretary of State Antony Blinken recently visited Beijing in an effort to stabilize relations with China, many of the issues that he discussed with Chinese President Xi Jinping were highly contentious. For example, Blinken warned China against providing materials and technology to aid Russia in its war against Ukraine, and he objected to China’s territorial claims in the South China Sea and harassment of the Philippines (a United States ally). Other disputes concerned interpretations of America’s “one-China” policy toward Taiwan, and US trade and export controls on the flow of technology to China.

The US-China rivalry is the most dominant aspect of 21st-century geopolitics, significantly impacting the world. It has expanded across various fields and geographies. The Gulf region, which was mainly absorbing the geopolitical heat of this rivalry, has also witnessed it in the technological sphere, especially artificial intelligence (AI). Two larger projects, G42 in the UAE and the King Abdullah University of Science and Technology (KAUST) in Saudi Arabia, are particularly notable.

Talking, even through hard times, is not only necessary but also meaningful, because the audience is wider than just the two participants. People are listening at the bilateral, regional and global levels.

The United States doesn’t hesitate to pressure countries and international organizations to side with it and to isolate Russia. However, it has been unable to persuade China to follow suit. Here’s why.

The U.S. view of competition with China seems to boil down to different notions of what makes a good system of governance. In truth, however, the competition turns on fundamental national interests. By emphasizing ideology, the United States masks its pursuit of immediate interests and long-term dominance.

A floor needs to be established for bilateral interactions so that breakdowns can be avoided. In the post-Kissinger era, new interlocutors between Beijing and Washington are also needed — people who understand both countries and who can present creative ideas through safe channels.

In early April, Presidents Joe Biden and Xi Jinping engaged in a phone call. While both sides have had differing takes on the same conversation, it’s undeniably beneficial for both leaders to engage in dialogue, particularly amidst tensions and significant areas of disagreement.

As if things were not complicated enough before, the political campaign season in the U.S. is upon us, with all its expected anti-China rhetoric. The recent visit to China of U.S. Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen applied some needed salve. She made measurable progress through frank discussions.