The U.S. decision to remove all restrictions on arms sales to Vietnam does not aim to militarize the South China Sea dispute or contain China. Rather, the decision was but the latest move among the great powers to pursue their interests in Southeast Asia, which for the United States focus on discouraging China or anyone else from using military power to pursue a coercive solution to territorial conflicts.

Whereas aircraft carriers have long provided the U.S. naval primacy as floating islands, China is creating its own artificial islands, complete with deep channels, harbors, berthing areas and airfields, all manned by thousands of troops, to counter that primacy. The consequences of a military clash could easily be disastrous and must be avoided. The politics of keeping the overall U.S.-China relationship on track is a particular challenge in the U.S. during a presidential election year, when candidates are posturing to an unexpectedly populist electorate.

The arbitration tribunal has put its own authority in question by redefining the case against China put before it by the Philippines. All nations should be concerned about what would become of China’s maritime entitlements in the South China Sea if we let UNCLOS serve as the sole exclusionary source of such entitlements.

Differences over freedom of navigation mainly originate from different interpretations of UNCLOS. As China extends the reaches of its maritime power, the operational capability at sea of the PLA Navy may be constrained due to the question of EEZ jurisdiction, which will invite cooperation with the US at appropriate times. The two countries would benefit from developing a common language on freedom of navigation.

The signing of a U.S.-China Memorandum of Understanding about air and maritime encounters provides a safety valve against any contingency in the South China Sea, but unlawful American provocations in the area continue to test relations between Washington and Beijing.

The high-altitude system would achieve none of its stated goals if deployed, but would shake the fragile trust of Beijing and Moscow toward Washington. The US should learn some lessons from the Cuban missile crisis and NATO’s eastward expansion, understand and respect other countries’ security concerns, and take some concrete measures to ease instead of aggravate the tension in the Korean Peninsula.

The destiny of all mankind has never been so closely intertwined as it is today, and Europe and China can use their long traditions of multi-culturalism to help shape a world order that offers inclusiveness, dialogue, cooperation, development and peace for all.

Mutual accommodation and respect for each other’s core interests will guarantee security for all. The construction of a new regional security framework has to be based on the principle of “common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security for all concerned”, as proposed by President Xi Jinping.

Washington has forced its way into the issue to complicate it further and escalate of regional tension. Such an egocentric move is against the trend of the times and the fundamental interests of the countries in the region and is bound to end in failure.

The budget shows that Beijing views the region with optimism, as defense expenditure is the best indicator of a country’s security assessment. China’s lower budget reflects her belief that in spite of the spread of terrorism, exodus of refugees, tension on the Korean Peninsula and in the South China Sea, the world is not in a state of disorder.