Not only do conflicts between U.S., China and Russia affect the world, their interdependence and occasional synergy also shapes world affairs. The U.S. and Russia still have an unstable relationship and could learn confidence building from the China-U.S. or China-Russia relationships.

The recent announcement by the Pentagon to pause the expansion of mil-to-mil exchanges with China hearkens to the anachronistic Cold War attitudes of creating and dehumanizing an enemy. China and the U.S. will likely have disagreements related to overlapping issues, but the need for cooperation on mutual global issues is necessary to avoid reckless encounters.

I have watched carefully the evolution of China's concept of a "New Type of Great Power Relationship." This has been a core element of President Xi Jinping's foreign policy towards the United States. I am a strong supporter of this concept.

Chen Jimin explains the four principle aspects of China’s new approach to foreign policy, called “major-power diplomacy,” which entails agenda setting, strategy promotion, and flexibility.

It is my hope that the Obama administration will leave a satisfactory legacy in promoting US-China relations by enhancing mutual strategic trust and pragmatic cooperation between the two nations.

The China-CELAC Forum in January adopted institutional cooperation between Beijing and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC). China’s foreign cooperation and economic development trend has allowed China to introduce new standards for international diplomacy.

Cui Liru describes a transforming international picture of national power relations, one that is moving toward a multipolar world of influence. In order to avoid the possibilities or true confrontation, China must more clearly realize what it wants to achieve in the world, and also needs to imagine what a peaceful coexistence with the U.S. would look like.

In the two and a half years since Beijing raised the concept of building a “new model of major-country relations,” the U.S. has made statements that it doesn’t completely subscribe. However, as Yu Sui explains, these concerns are out of fear of a unilateral U.S. concession to Chinese demands, rather than an understanding of the mutual benefits at stake.

What the Xi-Obama November agreements suggest is that the two leaders are able to communicate effectively on complex problems, negotiate in good faith, and reach mature understandings that serve the interests of both countries. Now, the question is, can that pattern be maintained in 2015 and beyond?

Intensification of Russia-U.S. tensions since 2003 has an objective impact on America’s strategic shift east and delays the beginning of a comprehensive strategic game between China and U.S. over economic and political competition in the Pacific.