China is emerging as a much stronger player in the Central Asian region, with the support of Russian resources. Central Asian states may exploit this Sino-Russian rapprochement in order to advance their own goals, receiving security and funding from Moscow and Beijing, while not being required to change political regimes.

President Xi Jinping’s visit has deepened China-Russia strategic mutual trust. That improves Eurasian cooperation and boosts the preservation and reform of the post-war international order, making it fairer and more just.

The significance of President Xi Jinping attending the May 9th Victory Day celebration in Moscow, has much to do with the role Japan has been playing in deteriorating the East Asian security. The Chinese government seeks to reinforce the negative harm that fascism inflicted on during WWII, and also further support its economic ties with Russia.

The Sino-Russian relationship is a model of friendly ties between major powers after the end of the Cold War. The two sides have been through four stages since

China’s foreign policy three “no’s” are no expansion, no hegemony, and no alliances. Its foreign policy three “yes’s” are to peace, development, and cooperation. President Xi Jinping has stated over and over again that China will stick to this peaceful development strategy.

Yu Sui discusses China-Russia power relations built on “the five principles of peaceful coexistence,” which has yielded beneficial economic, security, and diplomatic cooperation between the two nations. Also discussed is the differentiation between Russia and China’s Central Asian ambitions through the respective Eurasian Alliance and Shanghai Cooperation Organization.

As U.S. relations with Russia continue to deteriorate, Russia has turned to China in search of a regional ally that can counterbalance the U.S.-led NATO bloc. Now, Ted Galen Carpenter explains how China has two foreign policy objectives at risk due to the increased tensions.

Russia’s desire to cushion the impact of recent Western sanctions combined with China’s attempts to reduce its reliance on oil imports from the Middle East has created an opportune partnership for the two countries. Now, Beijing is set to become the biggest benefactor of Moscow’s attenuated international standing, strengthening Sino-Russian relations in the long-term.

This year’s “Joint Sea-2014” maritime exercise between China and Russia was noticeable in several respects. First, the drill coincided with a state visit of Russian President Vladimir Putin to China. Second, it came at a time when other signs of deepening Sino-Russian cooperation were evident. Third, China tried to use the drills to legitimize its Air Defense Identification Zone. Finally, it failed to evoke much of a reaction from Washington.

The May 21 Sino-Russian gas deal has been long expected, but it took Chinese and Russian negotiators more than a decade to overcome their differences on the issue, which reflecting diverging price expectations. In the end, the parties stuck to their winning formula of China’s providing Russian firms with the money they need in advance to develop new energy supplies and transport them to China through guaranteed long-term contracts. The United States has minimal influence over both countries’ energy policies and will need to work with regional partners, including China, to encourage price competition, competition, and transparency.