China and the United States have yet to reach consensus in response to the crisis on the Korean Peninsula. The U.S. is not prepared to follow China’s path toward a rapid resurrection of the Six-Party Talks, while Beijing resists imposing alternative U.S. policies of applying unilateral sanctions on North Korea’s foreign enablers or reinforcing military pressure on Pyongyang.

Pyongyang’s recent missile tests show that becoming a nuclear power is not merely a bargaining chip but a genuine threat. The next US president will take renewed stock of the situation in the DPRK in 2017, and Beijing should start doing that right now. Protecting its own homeland security should and must be the fundamental gauge for China’s policy towards the DPRK.

Could the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) suffer collateral damage from China’s territorial claims in the South China Sea? In coming years, China must invest overseas to relieve growing internal economic imbalances and keep its populace employed to maintain political stability. This presents opportunities for borrowers and risks to China.

China and the U.S. agree on the need to impose sanctions, but not on the process and purpose. The starting point for imposing new sanctions should be to promote denuclearization and safeguard peace, not to escalate the tensions and not to cause chaos on the Korean peninsula.

Given the importance of both China and NATO, it is inconceivable that China and NATO don’t interact. Counter-piracy in the Gulf of Aden shows how both sides can work together to provide common security to the world.

China's failure to appear in court demonstrates its continued position of "non-acceptance and non-participation" in the arbitration unilaterally initiated by the Philippines. This arbitration could set a precedent that undermines the true spirit of the dispute settlement mechanism of UNCLOS.

Fundamentally, Chinese leaders seek to change Iran’s behavior, but not its regime. PRC policy makers want Iranian oil, but they are cautious about irritating more important commercial partners, especially the United States; when defending Tehran, Beijing strives to avoid confronting Washington directly.

The first round of the talk between the Syrian government and opposition parties is expected to be held for two to three weeks, discussing the political process, ceasefire, provisions for humanitarian assistance, and the fight against terrorism. The good news is that Russia and the United States have reached common ground in their mediation efforts.

PRC policy makers have found themselves cross-pressured: They would prefer that Pyongyang refrain from provocative actions like nuclear weapons testing, yet are unwilling to impose the substantial pressure on the DPRK desired by the United State for fear that its regime would collapse and China would suffer economic and security costs.

Sino-U.S. relations in cyberspace in 2016 will be defined by three key policies: attribution, sanctions, and norms. Franz-Stefan Gady discusses what each policy could look like, and also the reviews the cyber diplomacy between the two countries in 2015.