Expectations should be kept within reasonable bounds. While China facilitated the diplomatic process between Iran and Saudi Arabia, the momentum fundamentally came from within the region. The successful mediation shows that China correctly understood the aspirations of the region.

If the two countries were able to reach a consensus on peaceful cooperation in developing and using resources on Mars for the benefit of humanity, it would be good news indeed. However, this is unlikely. China-U.S. competition in space is nearly out of control already.

Several countries are making attempts to play the role of mediator to reduce dangerous tensions in various regions. The United States and its closest allies have greeted such efforts with undisguised or barely concealed hostility. Such an attitude not only is unhelpful and counterproductive, it will further isolate the West in the international community.

Amid the souring stew if China-U.S. relations, the growing distance between the countries’ armed forces stands out as particularly significant. A halt in military interactions indicates high tension. The good news is that the two both sides agree that engagement still counts.

After years of distrust, Vietnam and the Philippines may finally have the opportunity to establish a truly consequential strategic partnership amid rising geopolitical uncertainty in the South China Sea.

Four key opportunities present themselves in Northeast Asia, and it's important to grasp them while we can. Compared with the various major structural challenges in the region, the opportunities are few and small. But there are signs that the situation is improving, albeit slowly.

In his now-classic 2018 book, AI Superpowers, Kai-Fu Lee threw down the gauntlet in arguing that China poses a growing technological threat to the United States. When Lee gave a guest lecture to my “Next China” class at Yale in late 2019, my students were enthralled by his provocative case: America was about to lose its first-mover advantage in discovery (the expertise of AI’s algorithms) to China’s advantage in implementation (big-data-driven applications).

Extended deterrence by the U.S. and ROK, as well as the framing of security as a regional issue requiring alliances, illustrates the spread of NATO-style security thinking. From China’s perspective, this will result in a further imbalance in the region’s security order and requires resolute opposition.

New international institutions, mechanisms and laws — as well as the reform and improvement of existing ones — should no longer be dominated by the West. The shaping of a new global order should be done through multilateral cooperation.

We live in a world where geopolitical stability relies largely on deterrence. But how can we prove that deterrence works?