Applying maximum pressure, including labeling China as a “currency manipulator” will not sway China. If the U.S. refuses to return to the negotiation table, China has the option of seeking closer ties with other regional and international partners.

Today’s trade disputes epitomize a new stage of the globalization process. More and more countries are employing trade sanctions and customs duties for the purpose of national security. As globalization moves from integration to fragmentation and as competition becomes more intense and friction more frequent, open markets will become increasingly rare.

Washington plans to block an undersea cable backed by Google, Facebook, and a Chinese partner over national security concerns.

The recent inversion of the yield curve in the United States – with the interest rate on ten-year US government bonds currently lower than that on short-term bonds – has raised fears of a possible US recession later this year or in 2020. Yet, paradoxically, a downturn in America could help to improve bilateral economic relations with China and cool the two countries’ escalating trade dispute.

In the coming months, some of the worst collateral damage of US tariff wars will occur in sub-Saharan Africa. The adverse impact is likely to be aggravated by US protectionism, which shuns economic integration in Africa.

The US has labeled China a currency manipulator, and the trade war does not seem to be ending anytime soon. This may not be the beginning of a US-China currency war, but is definitely another low point in the US-China trade war.

China’s recent economic prosperity is tied to the emergence of a unique political economy, “Sino-capitalism.” This system remains deeply misunderstood in the West, yet forms an integral and highly important component of the global economy that cannot be “contained.”

President Trump’s most recent threat to leave the WTO has caught worldwide attention. Would removing itself from the organization be beneficial for the United States, or is it just a bluff?

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor has not been as successful as Beijing and Islamabad expected it to be. Why did the plan pan out poorly, how can Pakistan recover without severing its ties with China, and where does the United States fit in?

Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte has sent mixed signals about how he will pursue his country’s South China Sea arbitration award against China in 2016, and his recent rhetoric promising to take a tougher stance on China may not come to fruition.