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Commentaries by Richard Weitz

Richard Weitz

Senior Fellow, Hudson Institute

Richard Weitz is Senior Fellow and Director of the Center for Political-Military Analysis at Hudson Institute.
  • Mar 15, 2017

    Despite China’s economic slowdown, the Chinese government has plans under its "Made in China 2025" program to spend $300 billion by 2025 to become self-sufficient in critical technologies and strategic emerging industries. U.S. unease at the size and opaqueness of China’s large military buildup are well-known. The latest developments will likely lead the Trump administration to continue efforts to reduce Russian defense technology transfers to China, sustain the EU arms embargo on China, and make U.S. weapons and other U.S. exports more competitive in global markets.

  • Feb 15, 2017

    Political, pragmatic, and bureaucratic factors have been pushing Trump to pursue more traditional foreign and security policies. His response to the North Korean missile launch, meeting with visiting Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, and recognition of the One China principle resembled those of previous presidents. However, Trump still has major differences with Japan and China, while his continuing Obama’s North Korean policy of castigating the regime, working with other countries like China to apply additional sanctions, deploying regional missile defenses, and refusing to engage with Pyongyang until it recommits to ending its nuclear program will likely still not yield appreciable results besides giving North Korea time to perfect its nuclear and missile capabilities.

  • Jan 13, 2017

    This year could see a major shakeup in the China-U.S. interaction in Afghanistan and Central Asia. Until now, the relationships in these regions between China and the United States, and between China and Russia, has been better than the Russian-American rivalry in Central Asia. But if the new Trump administration succeeds in improving Russian-U.S. relations, or decides to cut back on the U.S. military commitment in Afghanistan, China’s bargaining leverage vis-à-vis Russia in Central Asia will decline.

  • Nov 14, 2016

    China has accepted some gains from the world order established by the United States, but they disapprove of how the structure reflects exclusively American values and is buttressed “by a military alignment, which does not take into consideration the security interests of others.” Some Chinese commentators can also see a great benefit to aligning with Russia to offset the U.S.; however, uncertainty about regional powers and IGO influence remains pivotal to the current great-power structure.

  • Oct 13, 2016

    Recent speeches given to the UN General Assembly by the U.S. and China illustrate sharp differences in areas such as domestic political systems, appropriate roles and relationships in world politics, and dispute resolution. Russia backed China on many points that the U.S. opposes. These disagreements will continue to play a large role in shaping the international arena.

  • Sep 15, 2016

    The death of President Islam Karimov of Uzbekistan could engender major changes in the Sino-Russian relationship in Central Asia, despite Beijing and Moscow maintaining a harmonious, if not especially close, partnership in the region for years.

  • Aug 10, 2016

    Following months of assessment by a Joint Working Group, the U.S. Defense Department announced in July that the U.S. Forces Korea Command will station a Terminal High-Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) battery in South Korea “as a defensive measure to ensure the security of the nation and its people, and to protect alliance military forces from North Korea's weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missile threats.”

  • Jul 26, 2016

    The U.S. Defense Department recently announced that the U.S. Forces Korea Command will station a Terminal High-Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) battery in the Republic of Korea (ROK) as a defensive measure against North Korea. But Russian and Chinese representatives have expressed concern about how THAAD could affect strategic stability, alliance relations, and global influence.

  • Jun 23, 2016

    Escalating tensions regarding the Asian-Pacific territorial disputes and other security issues make clear that we need a new approach to dealing with these regional questions. Recent weeks have seen renewed Chinese-U.S. military incidents, stalemated China-U.S. security talks, and a failed China-ASEAN foreign ministers’ meeting.

  • May 27, 2016

    The U.S. decision to remove all restrictions on arms sales to Vietnam does not aim to militarize the South China Sea dispute or contain China. Rather, the decision was but the latest move among the great powers to pursue their interests in Southeast Asia, which for the United States focus on discouraging China or anyone else from using military power to pursue a coercive solution to territorial conflicts.

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