While China is repeatedly mentioned as the country that can and should play a special role in solving the North Korean crisis, Wang Wenfeng writes that China has only limited leverage and influence over North Korea, and oftentimes it’s not what China wants, but whether North Korea listens.

North Korea’s third nuclear test has dealt a death blow to any remaining illusions that Pyongyang can be persuaded to give up its fledgling nuclear weapons capability. J. Stapleton Roy writes that both Beijing and Washington need to rethink their policies in the face of this reality.

North Korea’s satellite launch and subsequent nuclear test has greatly increased concerns that conflict could quickly spread across the Korean peninsula. Ted Galen Carpenter writes that without meaningful concessions by the United States, China will continue to give Kim Jong-un a free pass and limit the enforcement of UN sanctions.

Bilateral cooperation on Resolution 2094 ushered in a good start for the relationship under the new Chinese leadership and the start of President Obama’s second term.

North Korea's third nuclear test is a game changer not only for the United States and Japan, but also for the regime’s last ally, China. The official Chinese reaction to North Korea’s latest provocation was stern: China is “strongly dissatisfied and resolutely opposed” to the test, and it is calling for the resumption of international talks.

In the wake of North Korea’s third nuclear test, Bonnie Glaser writes that preserving Sino-DPRK ties no longer serves Beijing’s interests. Glaser writes that its time for Xi Jinping and his colleagues to re-think policy toward North Korea.